(Adam Simpson’s article from THE CONVERSATION on 20 July 2023.)
In
demoralising, though familiar, scenes this week, the Constitutional Court
announced Pita would be suspended as an MP until a ruling is made on
allegations he knowingly held shares in a media company when he contested the
May election.
The parliament then voted to void his prime ministerial nomination, preventing him from contesting a second vote in the legislature for the premiership. (He had already failed in one vote last week.) Pita is clearly the people’s choice for prime minister. And under a more democratic system, he would already be sitting in the PM office.
So, why has the winner
of the election been blocked from taking office?
Who
is Pita?
The charismatic
42-year-old Pita is a Harvard-educated businessman who entered parliament in
the 2019 election as a member of the Future Forward Party, led by another
young, charismatic, American-educated politician, Thanathorn
Juangroongruangkit.
After the election, in
an almost identical complaint to Pita’s case, the Election Commission accused
Thanathorn of holding shares in a media company when he registered as an MP,
violating election laws. He was convicted by the Constitutional Court,
disqualifying him as an MP.
Thanathorn’s
party was then dissolved by the court for allegedly accepting an “illegitimate”
loan. However, it was soon replaced by the newly established Move Forward
Party, and Pita was elected its leader in March 2020.
Pita proved to be a
talented campaigner, and the newly established party stunned political analysts
in this year’s election by winning 151 seats in the House of Representatives.
Even more astonishing was Move Forward’s almost clean sweep of Bangkok, winning
32 out of 33 seats. The military-backed parties of the previous government were
eviscerated.
Pita then built a
coalition of eight parties that together controlled 312 of the 500 seats in the
House, a clear majority.
Why was Pita disqualified?
The problem for Pita,
Move Forward and any democratic party in Thailand is the prime minister is
elected under the 2017 constitution, which was written by the military. It
gives the 250 members of the Senate, who were appointed in 2019 by the previous
military junta, a vote in electing the prime minister.
This
means a candidate needs 376 votes of the total 750 parliamentarians to be
elected prime minister, but just 500 have been democratically elected. Of
those, Pita’s coalition only controlled 312 seats. This feature of the
Constitution is designed to allow the military-appointed Senate to play the
role of spoiler.
Before the first round
of parliamentary voting, Pita and his party were presented with two other
significant hurdles – the Constitutional Court had received two cases against
them.
The first complaint
accused the Move Forward of “attempting to overthrow the democratic system with
his majesty the king as the head of state”. The second, referred by the
Election Commission, argued Pita should be removed as an MP for knowingly
holding shares in a media company when he registered.
Pita was allowed to
contest the first round of voting on July 13 nonetheless, but fell short,
winning 324 votes. Only 13 senators supported him. Then, before Wednesday’s
second round of voting, the court announced Pita’s suspension and conservative
forces in parliament joined to block him from standing again.
It should be noted both
the Election Commission and the Constitutional Court are generally considered
to be the vehicles of the conservative elites and have repeatedly made bogus or
adverse judgements against liberal parties and politicians who might challenge
the power of the military or monarchy.
Why do conservatives oppose Pita?
Pita ran on a platform
of liberalising reforms in most areas of Thailand’s society and economy. The
party’s key policy proposal was to push for a referendum to establish an
assembly to rewrite the Constitution and remove its anti-democratic elements,
such as the appointment of the Senate and its ability to elect the prime
minister.
Another
key policy was to amend Section 112 of Thailand’s criminal code, the
lèse-majesté law, which punishes anyone who criticises the king or other senior
royals with up to 15 years in prison.
Since 2020, at least
250 people have been prosecuted under the law. A new book on the Thai king by
an exiled academic, Pavin Chachavalpongpun, was also recently banned for
defaming the monarchy. Anyone importing it could be imprisoned for three years
and fined, despite the book not yet being published.
Pita and his party have
also committed to push for a bill to legalise same-sex marriage and improve
gender equality in Thailand.
Significantly,
they sought to restrict the power of the military, as well. Move Forward
proposed significant reductions in the defence budget, which is always a
courageous stance in a country bedevilled by regular military coups.
In addition, the party
planned to pass wealth and land taxes and increase corporate taxes for large
companies to pay for its welfare policies focused on education, children,
people with disabilities and retirees.
All of these positions
made Pita popular with younger, more cosmopolitan voters. But it also made the
party a target of powerful, anti-democratic, conservative forces, particularly
the military, the monarchy and their supporters.
So what could happen next?
After the decision to
suspend Pita and the vote to deny him a second nomination, protesters began to
gather outside parliament, then later at Bangkok’s famed Democracy Monument.
Many young people feel as though the conservative forces in Thai society have
stifled the democratic will of the people – yet again.
It is now likely one of
the three prime minister candidates of the second-place party, Pheu Thai, will
be nominated in the next round of parliamentary voting, scheduled for July 27.
Despite Pita being
suspended from parliament, Move Forward still commands the most seats in the
House and will still be a powerful force in pursuing its agenda. There are
rumours Pheu Thai could abandon its coalition with the party, though that
remains to be seen.
When
Pita left the parliament this week to applause from his supporters, he adopted
an optimistic tone. He said Thailand had changed since the May election and
“the people are now half way to victory”.
There is a chance this
is true and we are on the cusp of a surge of democratic power in Thailand. But
for many long-time observers of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia,
this view might turn out to be overly optimistic.