(Pracha Burapavithi’s post from THE NATION THAILAND on 27 May 2025.)
"Red Wa": China’s shadow army controlling
Shan State power: The Wa ethnic group rose to control northern and southern
Shan State as the dominant northern ethnic army, safeguarding China’s interests
in Myanmar.
Thai civil society groups are demanding action
against the Red Wa—for involvement in drug trafficking and mining operations.
They trace the root causes to China, a major patron, but so far, there has been
no official response from the Thai government.
Following the flash floods in Mae Sai, NGOs have raised alarms over toxic contamination in the Sai and Kok rivers, urging the government to intensify negotiations to pressure Myanmar authorities and the Red Wa forces to shut down mining activities.
It is said that the Pheu Thai government and
security agencies currently possess very limited information on both the mining
operations and the Red Wa armed forces. The Red Wa issue poses not only a
security challenge but also a public health threat.
Greenpeace Thailand has urged the Thai government
to take a firm stance with Myanmar’s government, the Chinese government, and
the Red Wa forces to permanently halt mining activities.
Why is China involved? The answer lies in the
Chinese Communist Party’s role as a major patron of the United Wa State Party
(UWSP) and the United Wa State Army (UWSA).
Importantly, the UWSP, known in Thailand as the
“Red Wa,” exerts significant influence over other ethnic armed groups in
northern Shan State, including the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army
(MNDAA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), National Democratic Alliance
Army (NDAA), and Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA).
Lessons from the Kokang
Two years ago, Operation 1027 saw the alliance of
three groups—Kokang, Ta’ang, and Arakan—launch a successful offensive against
Myanmar military bases, capturing 20 towns in northern Shan State. This
appeared to be a major setback for the Myanmar military government.
However, this year, the northern alliance’s victory
has reversed under China’s influence, as the Kokang army was forced to return
the strategically important town of Lashio to the Myanmar military.
Lashio, the main town in northern Shan State, holds
significant geopolitical value. Its trade checkpoint at Momeik-Ruili serves as
a key gateway between China’s Yunnan Province and Shan State, as well as
central Myanmar.
Moreover, northern Shan is part of the
China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), a segment of China’s Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI), which includes gas pipelines, oil transportation, and a
high-speed railway project. At a deeper level, China’s funding and arms support
during Operation 1027 primarily aimed to suppress call centre gangs in northern
Shan, which negatively impacted China.
The Kokang army leaders had to swallow their pride
because the population of the Kokang Self-Administered Zone is ethnically
Chinese, speaking Chinese and relying on consumer goods, electricity, oil, and
internet services from Yunnan Province, much like the Wa Self-Administered
Zone.
The Wa ethnic history traces its roots from
headhunters to warriors influenced by Mao Zedong’s ideology, evolving into the
fighters of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). In 1989, Wa members of the CPB
signed a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar military government, gaining
self-administration rights known as the “Special Region 2.”
In 1992, the United Wa State Party (UWSP) and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) were established. The UWSP models its governance structure after the Chinese Communist Party, dividing its administration into two parts:
Northern Wa (Special Region 2), located along the
Myanmar-China border in northern Shan State, east of the Salween River,
opposite the Menglian Dai, Lahu and Va Autonomous County, Pu’er Prefecture,
Yunnan Province. Northern Wa has a population of around 600,000, a military
force exceeding 30,000 troops, with its capital at Pang Sang (also known as
Pang Kham).
Southern Wa holds influence in southern Shan State,
bordering Thailand’s districts of Fang, Mae Ai, Wiang Haeng, and Chiang Dao in
Chiang Mai province, as well as Pang Mapha district in Mae Hong Son province. The
city of Yon is the capital of Southern Wa and a centre for drug production,
under the control of Wei Xie Ying, commander of the Southern Wa forces and
younger brother of Wei Xie Kang.
Wa Forces Advance South
During the Cold War era along the Thailand-Myanmar
border, the Thai military relied on the Karen National Union (KNU) and the
Southern Shan ethnic army, the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) led by
Sao Yawd Serk, as buffers against the Myanmar army.
After the Cold War, Myanmar’s military leader
Senior General Khin Nyunt negotiated with UWSP, relocating Wa people from Pang
Sang and other small border towns near China to resettle in the towns of Mong
Hsat and Mong Ton, opposite Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces in Thailand.
About 20 years ago, more than 80,000 Wa people
migrated from northern Myanmar to establish new settlements in the south under
a policy aimed at using the “Red Wa” to counterbalance the power of the
Southern Shan army (RCSS) led by Sao Yawd Serk.
Ethnic Armies in the Southern Shan under China’s Shadow
At the UWSP’s party congress in April, Bao Youxiang
(known in Wa as Tax Log Pang) was confirmed as party chairman and supreme
military commander. Crucially, the UWSP and UWSA act as patrons to four ethnic
armed groups in Shan State, including:
The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), or
Mong La Army, Self-Administered Zone 4, representing the Shan ethnic group in
eastern Shan State.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army
(MNDAA), or Kokang Army, Self-Administered Zone 1, represents the Kokang ethnic
group.
The Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army
(SSPP/SSA), headquartered in Hai village, Kachin State, northern Shan.
The Palaung State Liberation Front /Ta’ang National
Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA), Self-Administered Zone 3, represents the Palaung ethnic group.
The “Red Wa” and these Shan ethnic armies are essentially guardians of China’s interests in Myanmar, protecting key routes of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)—including gas pipelines, oil transportation, ports, and future high-speed rail projects. China’s influence over these ethnic armed groups benefits Myanmar’s military government, as the Red Wa and allies do not ally with the National Unity Government (NUG) opposition.
